Re: [新聞] 印尼遷都1 / 印尼新首都大興土木 日夜趕

※ 引述《bluehttp (公鯊小)》之銘言：

但還有與其他西方先進經濟體 ex 美加紐澳德瑞荷 一樣共享的價值

最重要的不外乎「政經分離制度」跟「避免政治與經濟機能因天災戰爭雙重停擺」

引用 AIT 美國憲法第八款
https://web-archive-2017.ait.org.tw/zh/us-constitution.html

「對於由某州讓與而由國會承受，用以充當合眾國政府所在地的地區(不逾十哩見方)，
握有對其一切事務的全部立法權；」

為什麼美國首都要成立"華盛頓特區"，同時限制面積，而不是貪圖方便

直接在某個州的首府或最大經濟商業城市設立首都。

開門見山的說，就是制度性針對中央行政官員（或議員）進行防弊

因為這些人將不可避免地對特定州內的地方和個人產生依戀或依附關係

而需要防範人性缺陷的重要性（比如首都掌握政治權力自肥）

透過美國聯邦會議，洞悉 200 多年前美國開國元勳制憲過程的思辨

同時這些政治哲學也涉及政經分離、兩院制、地緣、官員選任與任命、權力制衡，

如何機會平等與多樣性，以下列大致舉出值得思考的問題

而美國開國元勳的話就放到本文最後供各位參考。

1. 兩院制參議權各州等值，康乃狄克妥協案 Connecticut Compromise
又被美國參議院稱為 Great Compromise of 1787 (1787 偉大的妥協)
https://tinyurl.com/4d62xzxz

2. 眾議院發起總統/最高法院大法官的彈劾，由參議院主持審判
3. 參議院行使由總統提名的內閣官員、最高法院大法官等同意權
4. 聯邦政府採政經分離制，不少州首府與最大經濟城市不一樣仍可看到這個規劃精神

(以下紀錄直接 google 翻譯可能會有些許失真，建議看原文)

1787 聯邦會議紀錄
THE RECORDS OF THE FEDERAL CONVENTION OF 1787

檔案來源：美國國會圖書館

Volume 2
https://www.loc.gov/resource/llscdam.llfr002/?sp=1&st=grid

#Page 42
Mr Mason. The mode of appointing the Judges may depend in some degree on the
mode of trying impeachments, of the Executive. If the Judges were to form a
tribunal for that purpose, they surely ought not to be appointed by the
Executive. There were insuperable objections besides agst. referring the
appointment to the Executive. He mentioned as one, that as the seat of Govt.
must be in some one State, and the Executive would remain in office for a
considerable time, for 4, 5, or 6 years at least he would insensibly form
local & personal attachments within the particular State that would deprive
equal merit elsewhere, of an equal chance of promotion.

Mason 先生
法官的任命方式可能在某種程度上取決於彈劾行政官員的審判方式。
如果法官要組成一個用於此目的的法院，那麼他們肯定不應該由行政官員任命。
除了將任命權交給行政部門之外，還有其他無法克服的反對意見。
他提到了其中一個理由，即由於政府所在地必須位於某個州，
而且行政官員將在任相當長一段時間，至少 4 年、5 年或 6 年，
他將不可避免地對特定州內的地方和個人產生依戀，
這將剝奪其他地方同樣優秀的人獲得晉升的機會。

#Page 42
Mr. Ghorum. As the Executive will be responsible in point of character at
least, for a judicious and faithful discharge of his trust, he will be
careful to look through all the States for proper characters.
— The Senators will be as likely to form their attachments at the seat of
Govt where they reside, as the Executive. If they can not get the man of the
particular State to which they may respectively belong, they will be
indifferent to the rest.

Ghorum 先生 (Nathaniel Gorham)
由於行政官員至少在品行方面要為公正和忠誠地履行職責負責，
因此他會仔細審視所有州的合適人選。
參議員在政府所在地任職期間，就像行政官員一樣，更容易和當地的 (官員) 建立依附
關係。 如果他們得不到自己所屬州的人選，他們對其他州的人選將會漠不關心。

#Page 127
Mr. Gerry conceived it to be the genel. sense of America, that
neither the Seat of a State Govt. nor any large commercial City should be theseat of the Genl. Govt.

Gerry 先生 (Elbridge Gerry)
整個美國的普遍看法是，聯邦政府的所在地不應該是任何一個州政府的所在地，
也不應該是任何大型商業城市。

#Page 128
Mr. Butler was for fixing (by the Constitution) the place, & a central one,
(for the seat of the Natl Govt)

Butler 先生 (Pierce Butler)
在憲法中確定國家政府所在地，並且這個地點應該位於中心位置。

以下是康乃狄克妥協的重要紀錄

Volume 1
https://www.loc.gov/item/11005506/

#Page 200
The greater States Sir are naturally as unwilling to have their property leftin the disposition of the smaller, as the smaller are to have theirs in the
disposition of the greater. An honorable gentleman has, to avoid this
difficulty, hinted a proposition of equalizing the States. It appears to me anequitable one, and Ishould, for my own part, not be against such a measure,
if it might be found practicable. Formerly, indeed, when almost every
province had adifferent Constitu- tion, some with greater others with fewer
privileges, it was of importance to the borderers when their boundaries were
con-tested, whether by running the division lines, they were placed on one sideor the other. At present when such dif- ferences are done away, it is less
material. The Interest of aState is made up of the interests of its individualmembers. If they are not injured, the State is not injured. Smal. States are
more easily well & happily governed than large ones! If therefore in such an
equal division, it should be found nec- essary to diminish Pennsylvania,
Ishould not be averse to the giving apart of it to N. Jersey, and another to
Delaware. But as there would probably be considerable difficulties in
adjust-ing such adivision; and however equally made at first, it would be
continually varying by the augumentation of inhabitants in some States, and
their [more] 8 fixed proportion in others; and thence frequent occasion for
new divisions, Ibeg leave to pro- pose for the consideration of the Committeeanother mode which appears to me to be as equitable, more easily carried intopractice, and more permanent in its nature.
Let the weakest State say what proportion of money or force it is able and
willing to furnish for the general purposes of the Union.
Let all the others oblige themselves to furnish each an equal proportion.
The whole of these joint supplies to be absolutely in the disposition of
Congress. The Congress in this case to be composed of an equal num-ber of
Delegates from each State:
nd their decisions to be by the majority of individual members voting.
If these joint and equal supplies should on particular occa- sions not be
sufficient, Let Congress make requisitions on the richer and more powerful
States for farther aids, to be volun-tarily afforded, leaving to each State
the right of considering the necessity and utility of the aid desired, and ofgiving more or less as it should be found proper.

各位尊敬的閣下，規模較大的州自然不願意將財產交由較小的州支配，
就如同較小的州也不願意將財產交由規模較大的州支配一樣。
一位可敬的紳士為了避免這個難題，暗示了一個均衡各州權力的提議。
在我看來，這是一個公正的提議，我個人並不反對這樣的措施，如果它是可行的。

過去，的確幾乎每個州都擁有不同的憲法，有些擁有較多的特權，有些則較少。
因此，當邊界受到爭議時，邊境居民就很在意分界線後他們會被劃入哪一邊。
而現在，由於這些差異已經消失，這就沒那麼重要了。

一個州的利益是由其個別成員的利益所組成的。如果他們沒有受到傷害，
州就沒有受到傷害。規模小的州比規模大的州更容易實現良好和幸福的治理！
因此，如果在這樣的平等分配中，發現有必要縮小賓夕法尼亞州的規模，
我並不反對將它的一部分劃給新澤西州，另一部分劃給德拉瓦州。

但是，調整這樣的劃分可能會帶來相當大的困難；即使一開始劃分得再公平，
它也會隨著一些州人口的增加以及其他州人口的相對固定比例而不斷變化，
從而導致頻繁需要新的劃分。因此，我冒昧地向委員會提出另一種模式供其考慮，
在我看來，這種模式更加公正，更容易實施，而且更具持久性。

讓實力最弱的州說出它願意且能夠為聯州的整體目的提供的資金或兵力比例。

讓所有其他州承諾各自提供相同的比例。

所有這些聯合供應的絕對支配權屬於國會。

在這種情況下，國會由來自每個州數量相同的代表組成，

他們的決定由個別成員投票的多數票產生。

如果這些聯合和均等的供應在特定情況下不足，國會可以向富裕和強大的州
提出進一步援助的要求，這些援助將是自願提供的，每個州都有權考慮
所要求援助的必要性和實用性，並根據需要提供更多或更少援助。

結論：在美國會存在的人性缺陷，在台灣不會完美無缺

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